The recent report by the Foreign Affairs Select Committee to assess the government’s progress against its own objectives for their UK-EU “reset” is revealing. The 2018 comment from Luxembourg Prime Minister Xavier Bettel about Britain, that “they were in with loads of opt-outs, now they are out and want a load of opt-ins”, was never truer. Cameron in 2015 was trying to negotiate more opt-outs but in the end didn't satisfy the Eurosceptics in his party, or in the country. Since then, we have had Brexit, followed by five years of struggling to negotiate opt-ins with some limited success. The reset is simply the latest iteration.
The problem isn't in deciding what we want. Everybody in Europe knows what we want. Britain wants to have frictionless trade with the EU, three out of the four freedoms of movement, no obligation to follow the rules of the single market and all without contributing a penny to EU coffers. Essentially, we want to enjoy all the benefits of EU membership for nothing and have the freedom to do as we please, whenever we like. There is no secret to any of this, it's what we've always wanted.
The problem is that such a status was never available and will never be available. We are the proverbial blind man in a dark room searching for a black cat that isn't there. It is an exercise in futility, and the "reset" is simply an official attempt to prove that it is.
The 2024 Labour Party Manifesto identified three areas for negotiations. These were (a) a Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) Agreement to reduce border formalities, (b) new arrangements to remove barriers that prevent British artists from touring freely in the EU and (c) progress on mutual recognition between the UK and EU of professional qualifications.
However, since coming to power, more cherries have been added to the wish list, including new agreements on carbon markets, chemicals, medicines, and mutual recognition of conformity assessments for manufactured goods, as well as UK re-accession to the Pan-Euro-Mediterranean (PEM) Convention, which would ease tariff-free treatment on some non-qualifying British exports to the EU.
And there are more. Britain's desire to participate in the EU's "SAFE" programme, which aims to increase defence spending to counter the Russian threat. Negotiations on this were ongoing until the EU demanded financial contributions.
And now concerns that being excluded from the EU's proposed "Made in Europe" rules will harm exports, particularly of cars:
Reports of carmaker’s warning come as lobby group says EU proposals could damage £70bn cross-channel trade www.theguardian.com/business/202...— Bremain in Spain (@bremaininspain.com) 5 March 2026 at 17:37
These are just the explicit aims. In January Starmer also suggested he was considering further alignment with the EU in other sectors without specifying any details, and there have been calls for more cooperation on security and home affairs. The 2024 manifesto envisaged a UK-EU Security Pact to “strengthen co-operation on the threats we face.”
It's quite a list, isn't it? The Select Committee report rightly concludes that "The UK-EU relationship is, and will always be, a work in progress." You can say that again.
The committee say their inquiry has "highlighted shortcomings in how the Government has formulated its EU policy and conducted the negotiations to date: a lack of transparency about UK objectives and priorities, which appear to be shifting and changing constantly; a haphazard approach to consultation; and, most importantly, a lack of an overall vision for the new Strategic Partnership."
They say that "recognising its red lines, we want [the government] to produce a more coherent, and ambitious, economic agenda with the EU" and even suggest a White Paper "with a coherent vision for the future of the relationship to frame this process."